Bihar’s political history is often seen through the lens of social justice and empowerment of backward classes, Dalits, and minorities. Many credit Lalu Prasad Yadav for giving these communities a strong political voice in the 1990s, especially after the Mandal Commission recommendations and the Ram Mandir movement. However, a closer look shows that political representation for disadvantaged groups existed long before Lalu emerged. Leaders like BP Mandal, Karpoori Thakur, Ram Sundar Das, Bhola Paswan Shastri, and Abdul Ghafoor had already served as chief ministers, proving that backward classes, Dalits, and Muslims were active in Bihar’s leadership. Nationally, Jagjivan Ram, a prominent Dalit leader from Bihar, served in multiple Union governments and nearly became Prime Minister. This history shows that Lalu did not invent backward representation—he reframed it in a particular way.
When Lalu rose to power, he brought energy, symbolism, and rhetoric to the politics of social justice. However, the critical change he introduced was consolidating power around the Yadav community. Yadavs, making up about 14 percent of Bihar’s population, became the backbone of his party, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). Over time, the party’s identity became closely linked with the Yadavs. While Lalu spoke for other disadvantaged groups, including non-Yadav OBCs, Dalits, and Muslims, leadership opportunities for these communities remained limited. Almost 84 percent of Bihar’s population—mainly non-Yadav OBCs, Dalits, and Muslims—was effectively excluded from the highest political positions under RJD’s structure. Muslims, though a loyal voter base, rarely saw elevation to top posts such as chief minister or deputy chief minister. In practice, the party’s rhetoric of empowerment was narrower than it appeared.
Bihar’s NDA government, led by Nitish Kumar and allied with the BJP, provides a contrasting model of political inclusion. Though caste considerations play a role in its politics, the NDA has experimented more broadly with leadership. For example, in 2014, when Nitish Kumar stepped aside, Jitan Ram Manjhi, a Mahadalit from the Musahar community, became chief minister. This elevation, symbolic yet significant, would have been unlikely under RJD’s leadership.
Nitish Kumar’s career also reflects coalition-building across caste lines. Kurmis, EBCs, Mahadalits, and even women have been brought into governance and welfare initiatives, demonstrating a more inclusive approach. While the NDA is not free from limitations, its leadership experiments have ensured that Bihar’s top posts are not permanently tied to one caste identity. By contrast, RJD’s model remains focused on the Yadav-Muslim base, limiting the scope of upward mobility for non-Yadav OBCs, Dalits, and Muslims.
As Bihar heads into the 2025 assembly elections, representation remains a central issue. RJD continues to project itself as the authentic voice of the marginalised. However, its leadership remains tightly controlled by one family and one caste bloc. Tejashwi Yadav, Lalu’s son, continues his father’s legacy. While he appeals to youth and promises jobs, he has not shown significant efforts to expand leadership beyond Yadav dominance. For many marginalized groups, RJD is more a vehicle for voting participation than for real political power.
ALSO READ: Uttarakhand landslide buries family, heroic mother shields children
ALSO READ: Early signs of PCOS in teenage girls: What parents should watch for
The 2025 elections present Bihar with a choice: continue with the myth of Lalu as the singular voice of the disadvantaged, or move toward a more pluralistic model that reflects the state’s full diversity. Representation is not just about caste arithmetic; it is about aspiration. Every community wants a chance to see itself at the center of power, an aspiration that predates Lalu and will continue regardless of his legacy.
In conclusion, Lalu Prasad Yadav played a significant role in energizing backward politics in Bihar, but his model also narrowed leadership opportunities to one dominant group. While he gave voice to Yadavs and maintained Muslim support, non-Yadav OBCs and Dalits saw limited representation. Other political models, like the NDA’s coalition approach, have shown that leadership can be more inclusive while balancing caste considerations. Bihar’s political future depends on whether it continues with one-group dominance or embraces broader, genuinely inclusive leadership. The 2025 verdict will determine whether Bihar’s politics evolves toward true social justice or remains bound by the legacy of narrow representation.
Copyright © © 2022 Copyright. All Rights Reserved with Arth Parkash