The last week of July 2025 marked a turning point in India’s war against terrorism. In Kashmir, the Indian Army killed three top Pakistani terrorists — Suleman Shah (alias Faizal Jatt), Abu Hamza (alias “Afghan”), and Yasir (alias “Jibran”). Suleman Shah was the mastermind behind the recent Pahalgam terror attack. Around the same time, a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) report confirmed that The Resistance Front (TRF), which carried out the Pahalgam attack, could not have done so without help from the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). And in a separate but sensitive development, an NIA court acquitted Col Purohit, Sadhvi Pragya, and Kulkarni in the Malegaon blast case, ending years of what the court called a politically motivated and badly handled investigation.
For four decades, cross-border terrorism has been one of India’s biggest security challenges. It began in the late 1970s with militancy in Punjab and Kashmir. Back then, India believed its conventional military strength over Pakistan would keep it safe. But over the years, the country faced brutal terrorist acts — hijackings, massacres, suicide bombings, and attacks on civilians and security forces. From the Parliament attack to the 26/11 Mumbai attacks, Pulwama, and the recent Pahalgam killings, these events have tested India’s unity and morale.
Pakistan’s intelligence agency, the ISI, became the main supporter of these attacks. In the 1980s, Pakistan helped the US fight the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, and in return, it got billions of dollars in aid. Much of this money was diverted to fuel terrorism in Kashmir. By the 1990s, Pakistan was close to matching India’s nuclear capabilities and had lost no fear of crossing India’s red lines. It gave shelter, training, and funding to many terror groups like LeT, Hizbul Mujahideen, and later Jaish-e-Mohammad.
Despite the provocations, India for many years chose a cautious approach — partly due to international pressure, partly due to its own principles of restraint. This patience was compared to the wisdom in Indian epics like the Ramayana and Mahabharata, where peace was sought until the last moment. But this restraint also led to painful compromises, such as releasing terrorist Masood Azhar in exchange for hostages from the hijacked IC-814 flight.
The turning point came after 2014, when the Modi government adopted a tougher, more direct policy on national security. The surgical strikes after the Uri attack in 2016 showed India was ready to hit back. The crackdown on terror funding and separatist networks in Kashmir weakened groups that had been active for decades. The message was clear — India would talk to those who wanted peace, but it would meet violence with force.
The Pulwama attack in 2019, which killed 40 CRPF soldiers, was a major test. This time, India responded with air strikes deep inside Pakistan’s Balakot, killing hundreds of Jaish terrorists. Later that year, Article 370 was abrogated, ending Jammu & Kashmir’s special status. The move was historic and unexpected. It opened the way for new development, though it also caused resentment in some sections. Pakistan adapted its tactics by creating new terror groups with neutral-sounding names like TRF and PAFF to hide its role in future attacks.
Indian agencies also reportedly began targeting terrorist leaders inside Pakistan through covert operations. At the same time, Pakistan’s own military was facing pressure from Baloch separatists and the Pakistani Taliban (TTP).
In 2025, Pakistan tried to strike back with the Pahalgam attack, killing 26 tourists targeted for their religion. India responded with “Operation Sindoor” — its largest-ever military action against Pakistan-based terror infrastructure. Nine terror camps were destroyed, BrahMos missiles hit strategic sites, and the Nur Khan air base — believed to store Pakistani nuclear assets — was attacked, killing hundreds inside. For the first time, Pakistan faced the risk of a full-scale Indian invasion. A ceasefire came only after international pressure, especially from Washington.
Now, India’s official stance is that any major terror attack will be treated as an act of war. The era of quietly tolerating cross-border terrorism is over. The approach is summed up in the popular phrase, “ghar me ghus ke marenge” — we will hit them inside their own territory.
The UNSC’s mention of TRF’s links to LeT is also a diplomatic victory. It shows that India’s global influence has grown since 2014. Internationally, Pakistan finds it harder to push its propaganda.
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Domestically, the Malegaon acquittals mark an important moment. For many, it is proof that the state once wrongly targeted certain individuals, influenced by internal political and ideological biases. The case highlights how elements within the system, including parts of the media, academia, and even politics, were aligned with anti-India forces in the past. That environment has changed significantly. Today, defending extremist groups in the name of human rights finds little support, even in opposition parties.
However, new threats remain. Beyond Kashmir, there is a growing risk of jihadist radicalisation in other parts of India. Communal tensions, polarised politics, and online radical networks create a volatile mix. The government’s intelligence and counterterrorism capabilities need constant upgrading. Terrorist groups have long-term plans, including the aim of turning India into an Islamist state by 2047, as claimed in some seized documents from extremist organisations like the PFI.
India’s counterterrorism fight is no longer just about stopping attacks. It is about dismantling the networks, ideologies, and funding channels that sustain them. It is about ensuring that future generations do not live under the shadow of terror. The message from recent events is clear — India will act decisively, whether through military strikes, diplomacy, or internal clean-up, to protect its people and its sovereignty.
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